Journalist Owen Jones campaigns for Extinction Rebellion Credit: WIktor Szymanowicz/NurPhoto via Getty Images

On Tuesday, the Guardian ran an opinion article that accidentally explained everything about Labour’s historic wipeout. Written by Ash Sarkar, it bore the headline “It’s a myth that Labour has lost the working class”. In it, Sarkar took issue with psephologist Sir John Curtice for saying that Labour had ceased to be a party of the workers and become instead a party of the young, leaving the ‘Red Wall’ of Labour’s historically safe northern seats vulnerable.
This, said Sarkar, was “fraff”: it wasn’t that Labour had lost the working classes, it was that the definitions of class being used by Curtice no longer applied. Actually, the majority of Britain’s young people (in her obviously superior analysis) were in such precarious employment that they qualified as working class. Those young voters, she claimed, would turn out for Labour and save those heartland seats.
By Friday morning, constituencies like Blyth Valley and Redcar had turned blue, and Sarkar’s thesis had gone from looking desperately hopeful to definitively embarrassing.
Political opinion journalism has an ungainly dual role. It exists to persuade, and it exists to explain. Everyone who writes it is part polemicist, part interpreter. So what kind of writing was Sarkar’s column? She wasn’t seeking to persuade — actually her whole argument was that the exodus of traditional Labour supporters could be ignored, because there was a new supply of Corbyn-enthused youth. She wasn’t offering an insight that could help readers make sense of the election — obviously, since her revised take on class and voting crumbled on first contact with the polls.
All the column did was offer cover and support to the Corbyn project in the last days of a campaign when anyone with an ear to the ground and an eye on the polls could have guessed that victory was not around the corner. But, with a few honourable exceptions, political writing on the Left gave up on the eye and ear approach in this electoral cycle, favouring instead a passionate solipsism that sought to reassure Labour voters that everything would be OK, and if it wasn’t OK then it would be someone else’s fault.
Over the last few weeks, Left-wing outlets have published multiple variants of the “I am voting Corbyn because of [emotive personal reason]” column. Individually compelling as every single one of them may be, all they are is the story of one person’s ballot. They don’t dig into what’s happening in the country, and they rarely explain why anyone who doesn’t share [emotive personal reason] should make the same choice. Nor is there much effort to understand why people would vote differently, beyond bad-faith accusations of privilege and racism that seem unlikely to sway the uncertain.
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