President Biden is censoring America. Drew Angerer/Getty Images

Last month, the US Supreme Court considered arguments in a landmark case on the legality of America’s metastasising censorship-industrial complex. The case, Murthy vs Missouri, rests on whether White House requests that Twitter and Facebook take down alleged Covid misinformation constituted illegal censorship that violated the First Amendment right to free speech.
Given the ample evidence of the Biden administration’s sweeping censorship efforts in recent years, many legal observers assumed the case was a done deal. And yet, during the hearing, it quickly became apparent that a majority of the court’s justices were sympathetic to a counter-argument that, actually, it’s the Government who’s the real victim in this case — because what “free speech” really means is that the Government has a right to tell Facebook that you need to shut up.
The court’s newest and most innovative justice, Ketanji Brown Jackson, stole the headlines with comments about how she was “really worried” about “the First Amendment hamstringing the Government in significant ways in the most important time periods” — i.e. elections involving Donald Trump. But even some of the court’s allegedly more “conservative” justices such as Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett appeared openly sympathetic to the idea that it’s more important to preserve the national security state’s uninhibited power to bully platforms into silencing information they consider “harmful” than it is to preserve fundamental individual rights. In short, although a ruling on the issue won’t be released until this summer, as of now the Supreme Court seems poised to effectively enshrine the legality of mass state censorship and deliver what could be a mortal blow to America’s tradition of free speech.
Many conservative and classical-liberal American political commentators seem genuinely shocked by this development. They assumed this should be a pretty open-and-shut case, with the Federal Government’s behaviour — being a clear violation of the First Amendment of the Constitution — sure to be righteously smacked down by the conservative-leaning court. But this assumption was deeply naïve. In fact, their broader, rather quintessentially American faith in the Constitution’s ability to establish and protect foundational liberties was probably always badly misplaced.
Perhaps this unfortunate moment can at least offer an opportunity to induce some much-needed realism about the Constitution, and its relative impotence in the face of tyranny today. In the naïve schoolhouse view, the Constitution remains a sacred, quasi-magical text spelling out our rights and protecting them by limiting the powers of government. The words on its pages have been elevated to semi-transcendent status, as if they were a form of scripture endowed with their own sovereign authority. This authority sets the rules of what is permissible, and the robed wise men of our courts interpret, sola scriptura, these national tenets to determine if new laws and practices conform to or have overstepped the authority granted to them by the Constitution. In this sense, the Constitution forms the foundation for the rule of law.
Those still holding to this view may further believe that the words of the Constitution’s text also established the foundational character of the American nation, becoming the enduring wellspring of our unique national culture and way of life. Finally, they are likely to assume that it is precisely the fact that the American Founders took the step of codifying well-reasoned ground rules in writing that has made the United States an exceptional nation inherently more resistant to tyranny than those which failed to develop clear written constitutions.
Sadly, however, while this is a comforting myth, it is a myth nonetheless. Most obviously, the Constitution does not, of course, have any sovereign authority of its own. It doesn’t make its own decisions as could, say, a living monarch. And although officials may swear oaths to uphold and defend the Constitution, it cannot hold them accountable or enforce the rights and limitations it delineates. Only other people can do that; only individuals can rule. This is a rather simple point, but many Americans seem to want to actively ignore its reality, preferring to see power as something that flows from and is constrained by the Constitution, rather than as something which can determine its meaning and application. The Constitution has no more intrinsic power than any other piece of paper.
What is even more important to understand is that the Constitution isn’t actually our constitution. In fact, it has never been America’s true constitution. That’s because the Constitution (the written document) is only a representation of something real — or rather, in this case, something which used to be real. Its words were an attempt to encapsulate the Founders’ expression of the young Anglo-American nation’s implicit, unwritten constitution. By “constitution”, I mean — as most of Western history’s great philosophers would have understood that word — the unconscious, historically accumulated essence of the nation’s organic and fundamental collective character: its public spirit, way of life, and common understanding of authority and the moral laws of right and wrong. In this, the Founders succeeded wonderfully in their day. But the document they produced was and is a map, a symbolic representation of a cultural and spiritual territory; it is not the territory itself.
No one understood this distinction better than the political philosopher Joseph de Maistre. Writing in 1809, he scoffed at the idea that any document written by mortal hands could ever design and establish genuinely new foundational laws. The spirit of any such laws was invariably already written on the hearts of those men who attempted to crudely reduce them to mere lines on a piece of paper. “Precisely what is most fundamental and most essentially constitutional in the laws of a nation cannot be written,” he wrote. The true constitution of a strong and functional nation was always “that admirable, unique, and infallible public spirit, beyond all praise, which directs everything, which protects everything. What is written is nothing.”
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