Did Kamala just win the White House?(Credit: Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)

Last nightās presidential debate was described as āthe most consequential presidential debate in modern American historyā so many times that no one bothered to ask just why that was so. For one thing, it could only be described as consequential once it had been proven to have profound consequences. But it hadnāt taken place yet. For another, it wasnāt clear what exactly the consequences were going to be. The country is not on the verge of civil war over the question of slavery, which was the urgent question that hung over the legendary senatorial debates between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Douglas in 1858, attended by tens of thousands of people. Nor is the country seemingly teetering on the edge of a race war, as it was during the 1964 election between Lyndon Johnson and Barry Goldwater (Johnson, a weak debater with a giant lead in the polls, refused to debate Goldwater).
There has been a lot of talk about imminent civil war in America, and the internet sizzles with violent discord. Itās true that whichever side wins, the other side will feel either cheated or bereft, and feelings will run high. But neither candidate stands for anything ideologically galvanising. Kamala Harris tries to be nice. Donald Trump strives for an intimidating autocratic effect, but he lacks a cohesive vision, of the sort you might find in Mein Kampf or in Mussoliniās fiery speeches, a vision that would impel millions towards self-immolation for the sake of an idea. His formerly sharp demagogic instincts running on empty, Trump seemed at least to grasp the need to fill an urgent ideological need as he desperately sought last night to get the country worked up over what he claimed was undocumented immigrants eating the pets of American citizens in Springfield, Ohio. But immigrants feasting on cats and dogs would be a poor centrepiece of, say, imperialism or antisemitism; it does not an origin of totalitarianism make. Instead, the unhinged quality of Trumpās groundless claim might well have lost him the election.
Gravely serious matters were at stake at the debate: abortion, immigration, the rule of law. But America has adapted and will adapt to permutations in policy for the first two, and the country is too stable for Trumpās most virulent autocratic fantasies to become reality. No one as obsessed with the bottom financial line as Trump is would ever risk creating anything more than rhetorical chaos. Business people hate real chaos. And unlike the Chicken Littles of the liberal media, they know fantastical bluster when they see it.
Still, after the uncertain first few minutes of the debate, the mysterious air of profound consequentiality intensified. The expectation, of course, was that a live debate without an audience, with the microphone of whoever was not speaking turned off, would be some sort of freakish Zoom meeting to end all Zoom meetings. From pandemic isolation to general post-pandemic anomie, all organised under the strict control of the debateās moderators. The first televised debate between Richard Nixon and John F. Kennedy had also taken place without an audience, but that was just at the dawn of television, and the faces on the screen had not yet detached themselves from actual social interactions. (The handsome Kennedy won the TV debate, they say, while Nixon prevailed among those who listened to it on the radio.) As Harris and Trump walked onto the stage, Harris striding forward to shake Trumpās hand, you settled in for just another pleasurable diversion, compliments of the ubiquitous and omnipotent Screen.
I was once at a party in Manhattan that began as a disjointed assemblage of people and then suddenly became a living organism. āNow itās a party,ā someone said to me. At the instant that Harris grasped Trumpās hand, the disconnected event started to become a debate. The note of āonce upon a timeā was struck. By asserting herself with a surprised Trump, who clearly had not wanted to shake her hand but had no choice but to do so once she extended it, Harris established control over her adversary. It was a fateful bookend to that fateful moment in the 2016 debate between Trump and Hillary Clinton, when Trump circled around Clinton, finally standing behind her and towering over her in order to establish his own authority and control.
The optics were remarkable. Americans donāt like short presidents; the country hasnāt had a short president in modern times. And here was Harris, short by, as it were, any measure, even with heels, deliberately making a physical contrast between herself and the much taller Trump. And, lo and behold, the bigness of offering her hand had the effect, in one stroke, of making Trump look small.
You realised then that what was at stake was not social, economic or foreign policy, not the fate of culture or the future of industrial relations. Never mind the question of whether America retains its preeminent power in the world. What was at stake last night was the question of whether the American personality still has power in its own land. Amid all the screens, and chips, and algorithms and AI, amid all the opioids and the psychiatric drugs, can the sheer force of being a particular person carry the day? And what sort of person, what type of personality, will it be?