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		<title>Duty - UnHerd</title>
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					<title>The death of prep-school England</title>
					<link>https://stage.unherd.com/2026/10/charles-spencers-english-berserk/?edition=us</link>
											<comments>https://stage.unherd.com/2026/10/charles-spencers-english-berserk/?edition=us#respond</comments>
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										<unherd:main_theme>Education</unherd:main_theme>
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						<![CDATA[Cosmo Adair]]>
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																<unherd:article_ranking>2</unherd:article_ranking>
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							<![CDATA['Everything is safe, solid, and unquestionable. Everything will be the same for ever and ever and ever.' (J.G. Fox/Getty)]]>
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							<![CDATA[<p><strong>Cosmo Adair</strong> is an editorial assistant at <em>UnHerd</em>.</p>
]]>
						</unherd:twitter_bio>
						<unherd:twitter_handle>cosiadair</unherd:twitter_handle>
															<unherd:author_bio>
						<![CDATA[ is an editorial assistant at <em>UnHerd</em>.]]>
					</unherd:author_bio>
										<pubDate>Wed, 30 Sep 2026 23:01:07 +0000</pubDate>
					<updated>Fri, 02 Oct 2026 10:04:22 +0000</updated>
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		<category><![CDATA[British Empire]]></category>
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								<![CDATA[Boarding changed my life — and Charles Spencer’s]]>
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								<![CDATA[<p>It looked like a Victorian madhouse from where I stood: all smoke-stained redbrick with the windows barred to discourage suicide. My mother had dressed me up in a tweed jacket and a tie, only to deposit me there outside the last-remaining all-boys prep school in the north of England. An older boy appeared and spirited me away to a new life, which only felt real once I lay on the first-night hardness of a piss-proof bed, listening to the dorm chorus of sobbing that began soon after lights out. This would be “home” for the next five years.</p>
<p>It was advertised as “a place where boys could be boys”, with its acres of park, valley and woodland, into which boys could disappear and beat each other with sticks and fenceposts and marinated conkers. Our sacred texts were the <em>Dangerous Book for Boys</em>, <em>Cherub,</em> <em>Our Island Story </em>and anything by Kipling. Girls, alien creatures of ill-repute, were absent, as were high academic standards. Instead, we were free to play sport and musical instruments, and to work on our “Character” — to become stable, self-assured Englishmen of the last century, who could stand firm in the flux of the present one.</p>
<p>I was not the first of my family to board there. In fact, I was &#8220;Adair minimus&#8221;, the fourth of my brothers (minor, major, and <em>maximus</em>) to attend the school. Each had returned, quieter, for their first exeat, insisting that it was such fun. And it sort-of was. It could not be avoided, so we had to make do. This was, after all, England’s annual trick of renewal, the ritual by which the country had sustained itself for nearly 200 years. To maintain an empire, the Carthaginians had sacrificed their children; the English merely spent vast sums of money on packing theirs off to board. This had once been considered “progress”.</p>
<div class="ref-ar"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2024/04/can-public-schools-be-redeemed/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2024/04/can-public-schools-be-redeemed/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><img decoding="async" src="https://stage.unherd.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/GettyImages-102094740.jpg?w=300" /></a><div class="content"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2024/04/can-public-schools-be-redeemed/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><span class="meta">Suggested Reading</span></a><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2024/04/can-public-schools-be-redeemed/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><h5>Can public schools be redeemed?</h5></a><p class="author"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2024/04/can-public-schools-be-redeemed/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><span>By</span> Matt Rowland-Hill</a></p></div></a></div>
<p>And yet progress has now left the prep school behind. By the time I arrived, in 2010, these institutions had been confused into taking one of two paths: rapid modernization or entrenchment. Mine chose the latter, and that made little sense: the world for which they hoped to raise us was long-since dead, and the ritual had become a hollow repetition. Eight-year-old children were being weaned not, as once, to rule the waves and administer an empire, but to lament their ill-fortune in therapy rooms and broadsheet supplements, or else to exert their wits in the lower rungs of the insurance market. Once upon a time, these old boys would have been public-minded; now they were just “posh” and their only certainty was that the rest of the country <em>really</em> cared how this made them feel.</p>
<p>Nowhere is this clearer than in the character of Earl Spencer, who has spent the past fortnight busily “<a href="https://www.collinsdictionary.com/dictionary/english/ragging" target="_blank" rel="noopener">ragging</a>” the King. His life maps effortlessly onto the decline of the prep school, and the upper and upper-middle classes more generally: a transition from steely coldness to self-centered loquaciousness. Over his last two books, Spencer has done more to dismantle the vestigial myths of hidebound English “society” than the Labour Party could ever dream of. In his memoirs <em>A Very Private School</em> (2024) and last week&#8217;s <em>Swan Song: Diana, My Sister</em>,<span style="font-weight: 400;"> he has </span>moved beyond the stoic and illusive stability of prep-school England into everything that is its antithesis, a confessional, tabloid desperation that Philip Roth might have deemed a <em>very English</em> berserk. Neither the prep school nor the Royal Family will ever quite return to their former innocence: these books, which he insists are <em>not</em> attacks but memoirs, have undermined the very structures that enabled 19 generations of his family to reside at Althorp.</p>
<p>Prep-school England is now dead. There are only <a href="https://www.isc.co.uk/media/2456/2010_annualcensus_isc.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">163 eight-year-old</a> boarders in Britain, down from <a href="https://www.isc.co.uk/media/2458/2011_annualcensus_isc.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">468 in the year I started</a>. This means a bygone elite will not reproduce itself. And yet, should these schools and their attendant way-of-life die, something will undoubtedly be lost because, however obsolete and exclusive they seemed, they did their best to promote an ethos we lack today: “Character” over results, the individual over the statistic, and the sort of self-restraint that could prevent these tabloid squabbles between the houses of Spencer and Windsor.</p>
<p>Mine was the county school, which meant that <em>everyone</em> in the county sent their children there, and that all the county&#8217;s fine class distinctions — between middle, upper-middle, and upper class — were quietly endorsed. There was a rifle range and a clay-pigeon shoot, and boys were permitted to skip lessons and ride to hounds at the hunt’s annual meet in the school parking lot. Then, the boys who rode would be served honey-mustard sausages and cups of Bovril by those who didn’t.</p>
<p>Our lives, our characters, felt old there — enchanted. The wars felt nearer than the local town, and the school register was haunted by the same surnames that appeared on our war memorial. It was a world without irony, much like the <em>Boys’ Own</em> universe described by George Orwell, in which “Everything is safe, solid, and unquestionable. Everything will be the same for ever and ever and ever,” even if, really, it was already doomed. Each year, we re-enacted the Second World War and played a game called German Spotlight. The boys had to get from one end of the school site to another without being spotted by the SS officers, whose roles had been assumed by the teachers. I could never evade the Nazis for long, and would trudge back to the school building, where a film was showing for the re-imprisoned boys. “1940, Somewhere in England,” the credits read, and I would think of those boys still out there, sticking it to the boche in the frost-bitten grounds.</p>
<p>The school was founded in the late 19th century by a “monocled and fanatical Jacobite”. He designed it as a modern school, complete with concrete playground, Eton Fives courts, and a gaudy arts-and-crafts chapel. He chose the site for its “healthy aspect”, in the hope that this might prevent his charges from snuffing it too readily — a common problem in the earliest prep schools. This happened half-a-century after Thomas Arnold purportedly invented the prep school, back in 1837, when he decreed that he would not accept under-12s at <em>his</em> school — believing them to be unsafe among the older boys, many of whom were bullies, or pederasts, or both. And yet more than Arnold, it was the age that necessitated them: the rapid expansion of an empire that required officers and administrators — and somewhere to deposit their children — as well as a newly enriched caste of industrialists whose rougher edges needed a shine. In practice, that meant imparting “Character”: an Arnoldian idea that incorporated moral imperviousness, muscular Christianity, and an odd streak of anti-intellectualism. As Jan Morris wrote, Arnold had “implanted concepts of privileged service [in his students] that led logically to the idea of a new Rome”. His boys would become “Christian Gentlemen” — moral, not empathic, but with enough sense of duty and cold detachment to rule the natives in Gujarat or the Gambia.</p>
<p>This doctrine outlasted the century. Orwell, author of the best prep-school memoir, <em>Such, Such Were the Joys</em>, attended St Cyprian’s in the 1910s where he was thrashed for wetting his bed by the headmaster. In hindsight, Orwell thought, to enlist a child at prep school delivered them from the family to the nation, and so created foot soldiers — like Orwell himself — who, at only 19, could assume responsibility for some 200,000 Burmese subjects.</p>
<div class="su-pullquote su-pullquote-align-left">&#8220;They were thrashed, bullied, and buggered into eligibility for that Philoctetean caste of mandarins who presided impotently over national decline.&#8221;</div>
<p>In Orwell’s day, there was a cruel logic to this. By John le Carré’s time, some 30 years later, there wasn’t. In his fallen Britain, there was a clear original sin: “the maiming of the privileged young.” They were thrashed, bullied, and buggered into eligibility for that Philoctetean caste of mandarins who presided impotently over national decline — their survivors&#8217; coldness inflicted, now, upon British subjects instead of colonial ones. Thus, le Carré held the schools accountable for “the traumas, deformations, and truncations of character that explain the British Establishment from the appalling Doctor Arnold to the Thatcher Matronocracy”. Le Carré’s words blurbed Nick Duffell’s <em>The Making of Them</em>, a polemic that popularized the concept of “boarding-school survivors”. The BBC documentary followed several children in their first weeks at Maidwell Hall in the early Nineties, the very school where Charles Spencer was abused. It presents a collage of interviews with new-boys, middle-aged “survivors”, and parents — one of whom dismisses the idea of speaking to his eight-year-old on the telephone since “[children] can’t express themselves very well”. Often, what was most difficult for “survivors” to come to terms with was how parents who had suffered in their own time could inflict the same suffering on their own children. Not Charles Spencer — who desperately tries to excuse his parents. In <em>A Very Private School</em>, Spencer documents the scholastic North Korea that was Maidwell, where he was bullied, beaten, and sexually abused. His book weakened the prep-school ritual’s spell, to the extent that Maidwell itself closed down in the summer of 2025.</p>
<p>Britain stopped thrashing its privileged children soon after it lost Hong Kong. Corporal punishment was abolished in private schools in 1998, some 12 years after the ECHR had triumphed over <em>le vice Anglais</em> in the state system. Unsurprisingly, an hour-long detention proved no match for the slipper and cane. And as their disciplinarian Victoriana morphed into twee gentility, so too did the boys the schools produced. If, once, it had been necessary to drill them into inhuman stoicism, all they really needed now was a psychiatrist&#8217;s phone number and a recommendation for the MCC, and then it was off to an interminable lunch in Leadenhall Market or to oversee the decline of their familial estate. For all that these schools continued to market a timeless, <em>Boys&#8217; Own</em> fantasy, these days they could only sell connections and access — a means for an impotent elite to reproduce itself. If they couldn&#8217;t build &#8220;Character&#8221;, they could, at least, make you posh.</p>
<p>This was clear enough in the boys at my school, much as my headmaster tried to drill us with old-fashioned, Anglican ideals. Bald and bespectacled, his was a doctrine of self-assurance and deference, which encouraged us to be polite, civic-minded, and Christian, as well as to take responsibility for the consequences of our actions. And yet in daily chapel, his sermons confused the word of God with news of how the First XV had performed in their away match at Terrington. It couldn’t have been further from the “hellfire and masturbation” that Cyril Connolly remembered from his time at school. Perhaps that’s because it was markedly less sexual in my time, save for the wanking epidemic that briefly spread among the third form. Sex had fled the chapel, and now belonged in the PSHE classroom. It fell upon a science teacher to inform us how sex and its attendant organs worked. Modern parents, after all, weren’t paying to have their children terrified of sex.</p>
<div class="ref-ar"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2026/02/modern-englands-lost-catastrophe/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2026/02/modern-englands-lost-catastrophe/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><img decoding="async" src="https://stage.unherd.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/gettyimages-1168623697-594x594-1.jpg?w=300" /></a><div class="content"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2026/02/modern-englands-lost-catastrophe/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><span class="meta">More from this author</span></a><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2026/02/modern-englands-lost-catastrophe/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><h5>Foot-and-mouth was the start of the trouble</h5></a><p class="author"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2026/02/modern-englands-lost-catastrophe/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><span>By</span> Cosmo Adair</a></p></div></a></div>
<p>And that’s what mattered. “It’s difficult to realize that a school is primarily a commercial venture,” Orwell wrote — and so all schools will do as the market dictates. Our headmaster had believed in the school and its vision, but the market increasingly didn’t. Modern psychology and the new British values made sure of this. Power moved from the headmaster to the parent, and boarding became flexible. Those who still boarded often went home on the weekends. The Fives courts were converted into classrooms and after the headmaster retired, the school became co-educational.</p>
<p>Their death could be blamed on Labour’s VAT policy, but, really, it was inevitable. Most old boys have, now, enacted their own little berserk — therapized out of their former class allegiances. And, besides, the only people interested in an old-fashioned education these days seem to be the Chinese and the Rees-Moggs. Most of Britain now regards these schools as they do the Catholic Church: as safe houses for perverts. Those that remain will be (mostly) southern, and will focus on “excellence”, not Character, and so will foster a new kind of snobbishness — the untethered, Spencerian sort, whose cruelty is its destructive self-concern. The much derided Arnoldian doctrine will, perhaps one day, be missed. It could have blossomed in a modern institution, cut loose from cosseted datedness and cruelty.</p>
<p>And what became of us, trapped between the old world and the new? The world in which we were raised bore no resemblance to the one we entered. The traditions were dead and the rituals meaningless. Civic-mindedness is of little benefit in a City career, where stoicism proves an inconvenient stopper on the second bottle of claret. Some could still lead vanished, institutional lives, but would find themselves to be hollow men clutching onto romantic visions of lost grandeur, or else expensive and out-of-date ideals. Character could take us so far, but that alone didn’t seem of much use in a world of chaos and smartphones and Snapchat and hardcore porn. “How I did loathe that preparatory school,” wrote the 19th-century author Herman Merivale, “preparatory, thank heaven, for a life that was not to be.&#8221;</p>
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					<title>What makes a great prime minister?</title>
					<link>https://stage.unherd.com/2020/12/why-would-you-want-to-be-prime-minister/?edition=us</link>
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						<![CDATA[Polly Mackenzie]]>
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							<![CDATA[Credit: Samir Hussein/WireImage/Getty]]>
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							<![CDATA[<p><strong>Polly Mackenzie</strong> is Director of Demos, a leading cross-party think tank. She served as Director of Policy to the Deputy Prime Minister from 2010-2015.</p>
]]>
						</unherd:twitter_bio>
						<unherd:twitter_handle>pollymackenzie</unherd:twitter_handle>
															<unherd:author_bio>
						<![CDATA[ is Director of Demos, a leading cross-party think tank. She served as Director of Policy to the Deputy Prime Minister from 2010-2015.]]>
					</unherd:author_bio>
										<pubDate>Fri, 11 Dec 2020 11:50:33 +0000</pubDate>
					<updated>Sun, 13 Dec 2020 11:47:47 +0000</updated>
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					<guid isPermaLink="false">https://old.unherd.com/?p=52217</guid>
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								<![CDATA[Boris Johnson seems to hate the grim responsibility that comes with power]]>
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<p>In the first few weeks of the coalition, I overheard someone ask Theresa May if she was enjoying being Home Secretary. She paused and replied: “I’m glad I’m doing it.” Having watched her as Prime Minister, we’re all now familiar with her particular brand of purposeful but joyless energy. Duty, honour and blind tedium. May paved the way for her successor by proving once and for all that a Prime Minister needs to enjoy the job to be good at it.</p>
<p>So along came Boris. Many people argued about whether he’d be a decent PM, but no one doubted he’d have a riot in the top job. After all: he’d rioted and partied his way through a host of jobs that most people take seriously yet had never come to much harm. He’d spent his whole life aspiring to the highest office, so even if he didn’t read his briefs, or bungled Brexit, at least he would bounce into Downing Street with vim, vigour and vitality — and we could all feel just a touch of vicarious pleasure watching him.</p>
<p>And yet it didn’t happen. The Boris we see is a pale tribute act of the one we knew. He doesn’t look like he’s enjoying the job. He doesn’t even look like he’s glad to be doing it. He’s finally realised what I imagine Theresa May was thinking in that pause before she spoke: this is bloody difficult.</p>
<div class="ref-ar"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2020/12/what-covid-stole-from-boris/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2020/12/what-covid-stole-from-boris/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><img decoding="async" src="https://stage.unherd.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/GettyImages-1189762933-e1607447204360.jpg?w=300" /></a><div class="content"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2020/12/what-covid-stole-from-boris/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><span class="meta">More from this series</span></a><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2020/12/what-covid-stole-from-boris/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><h5>What Covid stole from Boris</h5></a><p class="author"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2020/12/what-covid-stole-from-boris/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><span>By</span> James Kirkup</a></p></div></a></div>
<p>First: the hours. You have a full working day of meetings, then most nights of the week you pop into a reception for worthy people somewhere in the building, or a dinner for your donors. Then you go home to a red box full of papers that need to be read, decided upon, and signed, by morning. You can limit the meetings, you can do your box at 6am instead of 11pm, you can make sure not to attend more than one dinner a day, you can set rules to make sure your papers are brief and make sense before they get to you. But that’s the way to make this a 60-hour-a-week job, instead of 90. You are always on. You are always thinking. There will always be a crisis for which you are unprepared.</p>
<p>Next: the people. You don’t get to pick the people you want. Yes, you get special advisers. But most of your civil servants are new and unfamiliar. More importantly, your Cabinet are the people you had to appoint, not the competent, coherent senior leadership team you’d appoint if government were a business. So you will spend most of your time navigating, cajoling and manipulating people you probably despise.</p>
<p>The people you like, who do the things you ask, won’t get face time, because you’re too busy. An example: David Cameron spent endless hours trying to keep Iain Duncan Smith inside the tent, far too many of them scrutinising the microscopic details of welfare policy he didn’t give two hoots about.</p>
<p>Third: the place and its puritan rules. Our Prime Minister is well paid, by any normal measure. And yet the job requires you to circulate among CEOs and billionaires who would spend your annual salary on a single party — which would make even the most abstemious of us feel hard done by at least occasionally.</p>
<p>On top of that, we have ludicrously guidelines about what the Prime Minister has to be charged for: no free breakfasts or catered lunch at your desk. Everything will be charged to your account. Your diary secretary will probably keep your credit card on her or his desk ready to pay for all manner of trivialities, because God forbid you get a sandwich off the taxpayer. In my first week in government there was a nice man who came around with coffee to people’s desks, but he was got rid of. The cafetieres were put away and only cracked out once a week for Cabinet.</p>
<div class="ref-ar"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2019/10/how-i-learned-the-tories-werent-evil/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2019/10/how-i-learned-the-tories-werent-evil/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><img decoding="async" src="https://stage.unherd.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/GettyImages-465161868-e1571929180964.jpg?w=300" /></a><div class="content"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2019/10/how-i-learned-the-tories-werent-evil/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><span class="meta">More from this author</span></a><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2019/10/how-i-learned-the-tories-werent-evil/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><h5>How I learned the Tories weren&#039;t evil</h5></a><p class="author"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2019/10/how-i-learned-the-tories-werent-evil/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><span>By</span> Polly Mackenzie</a></p></div></a></div>
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<p>Finally, and of course most importantly, is the responsibility. In normal times, that will include military decisions where lives will be lost and you yourself will call the bereaved parents to console them. Welfare decisions where your choices will make the difference to how many families can make their rent and keep the heating on. Economic choices that will topple or turbo boost livelihoods. Policing decisions that will keep terrorists on or off the streets.</p>
<p>And then along comes a pandemic where the life and death decisions happen not just every day but every hour. You have to be a remarkable person to be able to take those kind of decisions at all without crumbling.</p>
<p>I’ve chosen the word “remarkable” quite deliberately. I don’t mean likeable or even admirable, in a conventional sense.</p>
<p>I remember Nick Clegg being astonished at the speed and facility with which David Cameron made his decision about withdrawing troops from Afghanistan. In the face of unknowable risks on either side, Cameron thought about it overnight, and then he simply decided and moved on. Now, I like Nick Clegg a lot more than I ever liked David Cameron, and yet Cameron’s lightness — his ability not to get bogged down in the uncertainty — made him better at the job than Nick was.</p>
<div class="ref-ar"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2020/12/is-christmas-dinner-worth-dying-for/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2020/12/is-christmas-dinner-worth-dying-for/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><img decoding="async" src="https://stage.unherd.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/GettyImages-1285628051-scaled.jpg?w=300" /></a><div class="content"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2020/12/is-christmas-dinner-worth-dying-for/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><span class="meta">Suggested reading</span></a><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2020/12/is-christmas-dinner-worth-dying-for/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><h5>Is Christmas dinner worth dying for?</h5></a><p class="author"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2020/12/is-christmas-dinner-worth-dying-for/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><span>By</span> James Kirkup</a></p></div></a></div>
<p>Moral philosophers debate what they call the “trolley problem”. You imagine a heavy trolley racing down a track towards a group of five people. It will kill them. There are points on the track, and if you pull a lever, you can divert the trolley to a track where it will only kill one person. Do you pull the lever? Most people say yes. The next stage is to consider whether you would push a fat man — heavy enough to stop the trolley — onto the tracks. The net result is the same: one death instead of five. And yet most people say no.</p>
<p>The general lesson is that it’s only when separated from the visceral realities of our actions that we are able to do what utilitarianism would say is the correct thing: we can kill with a lever, or a button, but to shove a warm, living body to its death is a step too far. But when I think about what I would do if confronted with a real life trolley problem, the lesson I take is different.</p>
<p>I think I would pull the lever. I might push the fat man, too: I don’t know. But I do know that even pulling the lever would haunt me forever, and that’s one of the reasons why I would be a poor prime minister. Some of the decisions you take in Number 10 literally involve deciding who will live or die. But even the ordinary day-to-day decisions require you to make trade-offs. You are always choosing between the one and the five. And if the guilt about the suffering of that one person paralyses you, then you are doomed.</p>
<p>That doesn’t mean our leaders should aspire to Stalin-hood: to be so closed off to the reality of the suffering they cause for some supposed greater good that they allow tens of millions to perish. I simply believe that a great Prime Minister must be able to take a cool, utilitarian view of costs and benefits. If they couldn’t then the burden of office would be too great to bear.</p>
<p>Which brings us back to fun. It’s the ability to carry the burden lightly that allows a great Prime Minister to have fun, even at the darkest hour. A great Prime Minister is someone for whom responsibility itself is a drug: someone who feels the hand of history on their shoulder, whose narcissistic sense of themselves is actually boosted by working hard, taking tough decisions and shaping the lives and deaths of millions of citizens. Someone who looks at a crisis and says: cometh the hour, cometh me.</p>
<div class="ref-ar"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2020/12/can-macron-save-liberalism-from-itself/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2020/12/can-macron-save-liberalism-from-itself/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><img decoding="async" src="https://stage.unherd.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/GettyImages-973155304.jpg?w=300" /></a><div class="content"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2020/12/can-macron-save-liberalism-from-itself/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><span class="meta">Suggested reading</span></a><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2020/12/can-macron-save-liberalism-from-itself/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><h5>Macron turns on the liberals</h5></a><p class="author"><a href="https://stage.unherd.com/2020/12/can-macron-save-liberalism-from-itself/?edition=us&#038;ref=refinnar" class="text-decoration-none border-0"><span>By</span> Aris Roussinos</a></p></div></a></div>
<p>We have seen some of that <em>chutzpah</em> from President Macron, who hasn’t done a particularly good job of controlling Covid, and yet even when he speaks of lessons learned and personal humility, he seems to exude the confident certainty that this was his manifest destiny. Along with Scotland’s Nicola Sturgeon and New Zealand’s Jacinda Arden, Macron gives the impression he is grateful to have been leader at this moment of direst need, because his country needs, very specifically, him. Of course: these are narcissistic delusions. It doesn&#8217;t make these people good company. But it makes them good leaders.</p>
<p>The great mystery is why Boris Johnson, a man who was at the front of the queue when narcissism and <em>chutzpah</em> were handed out, is so different. He appears miserable in the face of responsibility. His people brief that Covid got in the way of his plans, and bleat about the unfairness of the hand he was dealt. He’s good at the fun stuff, they argue: the sunlit uplands and the boosterism. Pandemics aren’t really his style.</p>
<p>But how can a man whose hero is Winston Churchill be so turned off by a crisis? Did he not read his own biography of the man — <em>The Churchill Factor</em> — in which he outlines quite how much hard work it was to fight the Second World War? It’s as if Boris got so dazzled by the idea that a great prime minister could also be a drinker and an orator and an egotist and a Nobel-prize winning writer, that he forgot these were just the added extras — the icing, not the cake. And so he spent the formative years of his life learning cake-decorating skills instead of baking.</p>
<p>And so the country is stuck with a miserable prime minister, with neither the energy nor the diligence to figure out how to do the job well. If Boris is going to make a comeback, he&#8217;ll need to channel the whole of Churchill — the sense of duty as well as the sense of fun.</p>
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